摘要
反单向性照应因涉及复杂的句法和语用关系,为检验某些语法理论原则提供了非常难得的素材。本文在对现有的部分解释作出批评分析之后提出,反单向性照应的生成并未经历移位过程,而是在现有句法位置基础生成的。反单向性照应基础生成方式包括两种类型:修饰语位置基础生成和话题位置基础生成。通过前一种方式生成的反单向性照应一般占据主语域带,充当主语中心词的修饰语;通过后一种方式生成的反单向性照应一般占据附加语域带,充当话题。然而,无论前者还是后者,均须遵守约束原则B和C,满足显著性限制、特征相容性限制和I在I内限制。
Counter-unidirectional anaphora involves a complex interplay between syntax and pragmatics, thus providing a rich source of data with which theories of grammar can be tested. After a criticism of some of the available analyses, this paper proposes an alternative explanation, in which it is argued that counter-unidirectional anaphora does not undergo a process of movement. On the contrary, it is base-generated. The ways of generation of counterunidirectional anaphora fall into two types, i. e. modifier base-generation and topic base-generation. Counterunidirectional anaphora generated in the first way occupies the subject zone and functions as the modifier of the subject head, whereas counter-unidirectional anaphora generated in the second way occupies the adjunct zone and functions as a topic. Both ways of generation, however, must follow the Binding Principles B and C and satisfy Prominence Constraint, Feature Compatibility Constraint, and I-within-I Constraint.
出处
《外国语》
CSSCI
北大核心
2011年第5期12-20,共9页
Journal of Foreign Languages
关键词
反单向性照应
生成
句法移位
基础生成
counter-unidirectionai anaphora
derivation
syntactic movement
base-generation
