摘要
文章从音系不充分赋值角度分析现代汉语普通话的音节构建过程,阐明音系对立层级理论的实证优势,探讨音系表达式从底层到表层的特征赋值机制。首先,音位配列不仅受制于强制曲折原则,还受制于响度序列和离差原则;响度计算要求底层表达必须不充分赋值,但是极端不充分赋值和对立赋值都存在缺陷,对立层级赋值可以提供更好的解决方案。其次,元音同化具有不对称性,而不充分赋值可提供自然的解释并使运算更加简洁。最后,复杂声母是元音浮游特征附加到辅音部位节点而形成的,该过程受制约条件阻断,可解释声介共现限制。
This article analyzes the syllable building process in Standard Chinese from the per-spective of underspecification,illuminates the empirical advantages of the Contrastive Hierarchy theo-ry,and explores the mechanism of feature specification from underlying representation to the surface. First,phonotactics is not only subjected to the Obligatory Contour Principle,but also to the Sonority Sequencing Principle and the Sonority Dispersion Principle;the computation of sonority requires the lexical representation be underspecified,but both Radical Underspecification and Contrastive Specifi-cation are susceptible to deficiency.A better solution is offered with Contrastive Hierarchy.Second, vowel assimilation shows asymmetry,for which underspecification provides a natural and concise ex-planation.Finally,complex onsets are formed by attaching floating vowel features to the consonant place node,the blocking of which process may account for the consonant-glide co-occurrence restric-tions.
出处
《语言科学》
CSSCI
北大核心
2016年第3期291-302,共12页
Linguistic Sciences
基金
教育部人文社会科学研究青年基金项目(13YJC740080)资助
关键词
不充分赋值
音节构建
对立层级
同化
复杂声母
underspecification
syllable building
contrastive hierarchy
assimilation
complex onset
