摘要
本文探讨上古汉语里“所不与舅氏同心者”(《左传·僖公二十四年》)这类含“所”的假设义片段中虚词“所”的性质与功能.文章反对以王引之(1819)为代表的著作将这类片段中的“所”判定为假设连词的主流观点,认为这个“所”与朱德熙(1983)讨论的用来提取动词或介词宾语、造成一个表示转指的名词性词组的名词化标记“所”是同一个词,在词类归属上是朱德熙(1982)所谓的结构助词.文章提出:假设义片段中“所”的功能也是提取动词的论元,只不过这类片段里的“所”提取的是动词的事件论元(event argument)而非受事、处所等论旨论元(thematic arguments).“所”提取事件论元后,整个“所”字词组指称“所”后谓词词组所表达的事件,该事件是说话人所假设的具体内容.这一处理可以将假设义片段中的“所”纳入到名词化标记之中,为虚词“所”看似迥异的两类分布提供统一的句法语义解释.文章认为“所不与舅氏同心者”这类片段所带有的假设语义并不来自片段内部的“所”或“者”,而是片段所处的句法环境赋予的.这一看法有利于保证“所”“者”功能的一致与完整以及上古假设义词项系统的完整.关于誓文中经常与含“所”的假设义片段一起使用的“有如……”的语义,文章支持杨伯峻(1981b)的观点,认为其表达的是发誓面对的对象而非假设情况发生后的后果或其他意思.
It has been widely accepted ever since Wang(1819)that the functional word suo(所)in classical Chinese conditionals is a subordinator/complementizer like ruo(若)‘if’,which makes it a homonym with the suo in non-conditional environments,where it is generally considered to be a particle/nominalizer(cf.Zhu 1983).This paper argues for a uniform treatment of suo in conditionals and non-conditionals.I propose that suo in both types of environments is a nominalizer,functioning to nominalize a predicative phrase into a referring expression whose reference is the same as that of the gapped argument of the verb in the predicative phrase.The difference between the two distributions of suo is that it makes a nominal expression whose reference is the same as a thematic argument of the verb in non-conditionals whereas it creates a nominal expression whose reference is the same as the event argument of the verb in conditionals.The conditional interpretation of the conditional clause containing suo comes from the syntactic environment.This proposal has both theoretical and empirical advantages over the accepted view.The paper also discusses the interpretation of a clause that is often used with the conditional with suo in oath,arguing that it is used to introduce a witness of the oath as proposed by Yang(1981b)instead of the consequence of the conditional.
出处
《语言学论丛》
2020年第2期112-135,共24页
Essays on Linguistics
基金
2018年度国家社科基金重大项目“生成语法的汉语研究与新时代汉语语法理论创新”(18ZDA291)的资助。
