In this paper,I examine the Twitter accounts of right-wing extremist groups(RWEGs)in India,arguing that the abjectification of Muslim masculinities is central to the narratives of Hindu supremacist groups.The abjectif...In this paper,I examine the Twitter accounts of right-wing extremist groups(RWEGs)in India,arguing that the abjectification of Muslim masculinities is central to the narratives of Hindu supremacist groups.The abjectification process on Twitter serves as a rhetorical device to:a)criticize and problematize Muslim masculinities;b)idealize and glorify Hindu and white masculinities;c)promote Hindu and white masculine nationalist projects;and d)unify Hindu supremacists against Muslim others.By analyzing the gender ideologies expressed implicitly or explicitly on the Twitter accounts of RWEGs,and using the“Love Jihad”conspiracy case as a focal point,I demonstrate how the abjectification of Muslim masculinities is constructed in opposition to the idealized Hindu masculinities.This study highlights the intersection of gender and nationalism in the digital discourse of Hindu supremacist groups,offering insights into the mechanisms through which social media platforms are used to reinforce and propagate Islamophobic ideologies.展开更多
Nationalism threatens to imbue modern Japan with a rationale for increased militarism.Post-war nationalism was a reason Japan had launched war abroad,but the reinvigoration of Japanese nationalism is burgeoning under ...Nationalism threatens to imbue modern Japan with a rationale for increased militarism.Post-war nationalism was a reason Japan had launched war abroad,but the reinvigoration of Japanese nationalism is burgeoning under two-term Prime Minister Shinzo Abe.His sense of nationalism,which has domestic and international repercussions,has developed under the influence of his family political genes.Abe's nationalism is being carried out in internal and external policies,with increasingly negative impact on domestic and regional order.The international community should remain vigilant of his right-wing politics.展开更多
Research on environmental behaviour is often overlooked in literature on regime destabilization in energy transitions.This study addresses that gap by focusing on socio-political and demographic factors shaping suppor...Research on environmental behaviour is often overlooked in literature on regime destabilization in energy transitions.This study addresses that gap by focusing on socio-political and demographic factors shaping support for carbon regime destabilization policies in one of the most carbon-intensive regions of Europe.Carbon-intensive industries,especially coal mining and coal-based power generation,are often concentrated in a few carbon-intensive regions.Therefore,decarbonization actions will affect those regions particularly strongly.Correspondingly,carbon-intensive regions often exert significant political influence on the two climate mitigation policies at the national level.Focusing on Poland,we investigate socio-political and demographic factors that correlate with the approval or rejection of the two climate mitigation policies:increasing taxes on fossil fuels such as oil,gas,and coal and using public money to subsidize renewable energy such as wind and solar power in Poland and its carbon-intensive Silesia region.Using logistic regression with individual-level data derived from the 2016 European Social Survey(ESS)and the 2014 Chapel Hill Expert Survey(CHES),we find partypolitical ideology to be an important predictor at the national level but much less so at the regional level.Specifically,voting for right-wing party is not a divisive factor for individual support of the two climate mitigation policies either nationally or regionally.More interestingly,populism is a strong factor in support of increasing taxes on fossil fuel in the carbon-intensive Silesia region but is less important concerning in support of using public money to subsidize renewable energy in Poland overall.These results show the heterogeneity of right-wing party and populism within the support for the two climate mitigation policies.Socio-demographic factors,especially age,gender,education level,employment status,and employment sector,have even more complex and heterogeneous components in support of the two climate mitigation policies at th展开更多
A potential global power transition characterized by emerging economies of BRICS where China is the likely leading contender against the United States as the only global hegemon seems inevitable.The increasingly multi...A potential global power transition characterized by emerging economies of BRICS where China is the likely leading contender against the United States as the only global hegemon seems inevitable.The increasingly multipolar world is evidenced by the attention given to right-wing populism in Europe and USA attributed to China’s aggressive approach to international trade through its stealth entry and subsequent investments in global political-economy.China’s presence in Africa and Trump’s America first policy’s attempt to open“new business frontiers”in emerging economies of Asia and Africa in order to contain Chinese influence and threat in global hegemony are interesting happenstances that require closer scrutiny.Kenya,the biggest economy in East Africa,which is among the fastest growing regions globally,is the gateway to the East African Common Market.Historically,Kenya has a policy of non-alignment in international relations making it possible to receive FDI from both China and the US but with highly contested elections.Therefore,Kenya presents a perfect laboratory for examining the emerging power-shift in global political-economy as the country grapples with traditionally chaotic electoral power transitions and the two biggest economies in the world compete for business in Nairobi.The 2017 elections not only betrayed the international community’s commitment to Western values of human rights and democracy,but also revealed the challenges of governance in post-World War II global liberalism characterized by sophisticated media institutional spaces.展开更多
Founded in 1902 as the Transvaal Miners＇ Association, the South African Mine Workers＇ Union （MWU）, as it was renamed in 1913, rose to prominence as a militant union for white miners, especially during the turbulen...Founded in 1902 as the Transvaal Miners＇ Association, the South African Mine Workers＇ Union （MWU）, as it was renamed in 1913, rose to prominence as a militant union for white miners, especially during the turbulent years of industrial strife and bloody strike action in the first two decades of the 20th century. Since the election victory of the Pact government in 1924 a program of pro-white protectionist legislation was introduced. As South Africa＇s most prominent white trade union of the 20th century, the MWU therefore became renowned for defending job reservation in the mining industry. After 1948, it enjoyed the National Party government＇s support in this regard. However, skilled labor shortages and changing labor conditions in the 1970s forced the government to introduce labor reform. Job reservation was scrapped and black unions were officially recognized. These initiatives put the MWU on a confrontational path with the government and the union aligned itself with right-wing political resistance and protest. But, the altered political and economic South African realities after 1994 forced the MWU to rethink its strategies. By 2002, it had reinvented and transformed itself into Solidarity, adequately equipped for addressing the labor challenges and demands of a post-apartheid South Africa. This article, based on the author＇s research of the South African labor movement in the early 20th century, traces the historical development of the union and its influence on South African political and labor history.展开更多
2017 is an election year for Europe,also a year on which hinges the destiny of Europe.In view of the general rise of right-wing populist parties in the EU,there have been concerns if another'black swan'would f...2017 is an election year for Europe,also a year on which hinges the destiny of Europe.In view of the general rise of right-wing populist parties in the EU,there have been concerns if another'black swan'would fly out of the general elections of the Netherland,France and Germany.To date,the Dutch and French展开更多
According to the advocacy group Parents,Families,and Friends of Lesbians and Gays(PFLAG),gays and lesbians are victims of hate crimes seven times as often as straight peers.The question becomes what underlying ideolog...According to the advocacy group Parents,Families,and Friends of Lesbians and Gays(PFLAG),gays and lesbians are victims of hate crimes seven times as often as straight peers.The question becomes what underlying ideology currently exists in American society to perpetuate this behavior?This paper explores the impact of conservatism and religious ideology to anti-gay prejudice in public schools.The paper presents a model of an intergroup program using prevention of harassment,bullying and rejection to gay members of the student body by attempting a change in attitudes regarding gay students.It also provides recommendations for school administrators and teachers for confronting these challenges in public education.展开更多
This paper illuminates some of the main effects that neoliberalism has on the psychological and socio-economic profile of Americans.It outlines the structural processes that produced the groundwork for today’s enormo...This paper illuminates some of the main effects that neoliberalism has on the psychological and socio-economic profile of Americans.It outlines the structural processes that produced the groundwork for today’s enormous popularity of right-wing extremism in the USA.America’s middle-class has turned right-wing extremist during the Trump years and this trend has continued to dominate American politics today.While populism mobilizes feelings of injustice and grievances,the source and commencement of these grievances is the centerpiece of this article.The paper does so by applying Rodrigo Nunes’(2020a)analysis of the effects of Bolsenarismo in Brazil to the American society.The paper differentiates between the effects of individualism,punitivism,and the valorization of order above the law and shows how these trends have influenced preponderant identity traits of Baby Boomers and Generation X.Secondly,the paper focuses on the concept of“negative solidarity”which is one direct consequence of the worldview produced by successful indoctrination of neoliberal values and goes hand in hand with the consequent pauperization of the American worker.The preponderance of negative solidarity remains a key handicap for a democratic future and for any social mobilization efforts within the USA.展开更多
文摘In this paper,I examine the Twitter accounts of right-wing extremist groups(RWEGs)in India,arguing that the abjectification of Muslim masculinities is central to the narratives of Hindu supremacist groups.The abjectification process on Twitter serves as a rhetorical device to:a)criticize and problematize Muslim masculinities;b)idealize and glorify Hindu and white masculinities;c)promote Hindu and white masculine nationalist projects;and d)unify Hindu supremacists against Muslim others.By analyzing the gender ideologies expressed implicitly or explicitly on the Twitter accounts of RWEGs,and using the“Love Jihad”conspiracy case as a focal point,I demonstrate how the abjectification of Muslim masculinities is constructed in opposition to the idealized Hindu masculinities.This study highlights the intersection of gender and nationalism in the digital discourse of Hindu supremacist groups,offering insights into the mechanisms through which social media platforms are used to reinforce and propagate Islamophobic ideologies.
文摘Nationalism threatens to imbue modern Japan with a rationale for increased militarism.Post-war nationalism was a reason Japan had launched war abroad,but the reinvigoration of Japanese nationalism is burgeoning under two-term Prime Minister Shinzo Abe.His sense of nationalism,which has domestic and international repercussions,has developed under the influence of his family political genes.Abe's nationalism is being carried out in internal and external policies,with increasingly negative impact on domestic and regional order.The international community should remain vigilant of his right-wing politics.
基金funding from the European Union’s Horizon 2020 Research and Innovation Programme under grant agreement No:884539“Carbon Intensive Regions in Transition-Unravelling the Challenges of Structural Change(CINTRAN)”。
文摘Research on environmental behaviour is often overlooked in literature on regime destabilization in energy transitions.This study addresses that gap by focusing on socio-political and demographic factors shaping support for carbon regime destabilization policies in one of the most carbon-intensive regions of Europe.Carbon-intensive industries,especially coal mining and coal-based power generation,are often concentrated in a few carbon-intensive regions.Therefore,decarbonization actions will affect those regions particularly strongly.Correspondingly,carbon-intensive regions often exert significant political influence on the two climate mitigation policies at the national level.Focusing on Poland,we investigate socio-political and demographic factors that correlate with the approval or rejection of the two climate mitigation policies:increasing taxes on fossil fuels such as oil,gas,and coal and using public money to subsidize renewable energy such as wind and solar power in Poland and its carbon-intensive Silesia region.Using logistic regression with individual-level data derived from the 2016 European Social Survey(ESS)and the 2014 Chapel Hill Expert Survey(CHES),we find partypolitical ideology to be an important predictor at the national level but much less so at the regional level.Specifically,voting for right-wing party is not a divisive factor for individual support of the two climate mitigation policies either nationally or regionally.More interestingly,populism is a strong factor in support of increasing taxes on fossil fuel in the carbon-intensive Silesia region but is less important concerning in support of using public money to subsidize renewable energy in Poland overall.These results show the heterogeneity of right-wing party and populism within the support for the two climate mitigation policies.Socio-demographic factors,especially age,gender,education level,employment status,and employment sector,have even more complex and heterogeneous components in support of the two climate mitigation policies at th
文摘A potential global power transition characterized by emerging economies of BRICS where China is the likely leading contender against the United States as the only global hegemon seems inevitable.The increasingly multipolar world is evidenced by the attention given to right-wing populism in Europe and USA attributed to China’s aggressive approach to international trade through its stealth entry and subsequent investments in global political-economy.China’s presence in Africa and Trump’s America first policy’s attempt to open“new business frontiers”in emerging economies of Asia and Africa in order to contain Chinese influence and threat in global hegemony are interesting happenstances that require closer scrutiny.Kenya,the biggest economy in East Africa,which is among the fastest growing regions globally,is the gateway to the East African Common Market.Historically,Kenya has a policy of non-alignment in international relations making it possible to receive FDI from both China and the US but with highly contested elections.Therefore,Kenya presents a perfect laboratory for examining the emerging power-shift in global political-economy as the country grapples with traditionally chaotic electoral power transitions and the two biggest economies in the world compete for business in Nairobi.The 2017 elections not only betrayed the international community’s commitment to Western values of human rights and democracy,but also revealed the challenges of governance in post-World War II global liberalism characterized by sophisticated media institutional spaces.
文摘Founded in 1902 as the Transvaal Miners＇ Association, the South African Mine Workers＇ Union （MWU）, as it was renamed in 1913, rose to prominence as a militant union for white miners, especially during the turbulent years of industrial strife and bloody strike action in the first two decades of the 20th century. Since the election victory of the Pact government in 1924 a program of pro-white protectionist legislation was introduced. As South Africa＇s most prominent white trade union of the 20th century, the MWU therefore became renowned for defending job reservation in the mining industry. After 1948, it enjoyed the National Party government＇s support in this regard. However, skilled labor shortages and changing labor conditions in the 1970s forced the government to introduce labor reform. Job reservation was scrapped and black unions were officially recognized. These initiatives put the MWU on a confrontational path with the government and the union aligned itself with right-wing political resistance and protest. But, the altered political and economic South African realities after 1994 forced the MWU to rethink its strategies. By 2002, it had reinvented and transformed itself into Solidarity, adequately equipped for addressing the labor challenges and demands of a post-apartheid South Africa. This article, based on the author＇s research of the South African labor movement in the early 20th century, traces the historical development of the union and its influence on South African political and labor history.
文摘2017 is an election year for Europe,also a year on which hinges the destiny of Europe.In view of the general rise of right-wing populist parties in the EU,there have been concerns if another'black swan'would fly out of the general elections of the Netherland,France and Germany.To date,the Dutch and French
文摘According to the advocacy group Parents,Families,and Friends of Lesbians and Gays(PFLAG),gays and lesbians are victims of hate crimes seven times as often as straight peers.The question becomes what underlying ideology currently exists in American society to perpetuate this behavior?This paper explores the impact of conservatism and religious ideology to anti-gay prejudice in public schools.The paper presents a model of an intergroup program using prevention of harassment,bullying and rejection to gay members of the student body by attempting a change in attitudes regarding gay students.It also provides recommendations for school administrators and teachers for confronting these challenges in public education.
文摘This paper illuminates some of the main effects that neoliberalism has on the psychological and socio-economic profile of Americans.It outlines the structural processes that produced the groundwork for today’s enormous popularity of right-wing extremism in the USA.America’s middle-class has turned right-wing extremist during the Trump years and this trend has continued to dominate American politics today.While populism mobilizes feelings of injustice and grievances,the source and commencement of these grievances is the centerpiece of this article.The paper does so by applying Rodrigo Nunes’(2020a)analysis of the effects of Bolsenarismo in Brazil to the American society.The paper differentiates between the effects of individualism,punitivism,and the valorization of order above the law and shows how these trends have influenced preponderant identity traits of Baby Boomers and Generation X.Secondly,the paper focuses on the concept of“negative solidarity”which is one direct consequence of the worldview produced by successful indoctrination of neoliberal values and goes hand in hand with the consequent pauperization of the American worker.The preponderance of negative solidarity remains a key handicap for a democratic future and for any social mobilization efforts within the USA.
