Objective： Correct nutritional assessment is essential for leukemia patients after hematopoietic stem cell transplantation （HSCT）. This study aimed to investigate the best nutritional assessment method for leukemia...Objective： Correct nutritional assessment is essential for leukemia patients after hematopoietic stem cell transplantation （HSCT）. This study aimed to investigate the best nutritional assessment method for leukemia patients after HSCT, and find the possible nutritional risk of the patients during the transplantation process in order to intervene in the patients with nutritional risks and undernourished patients timely, so that the entire transplantation process could be successfully completed. Methods： A prospective study was performed in 108 leukemia patients after HSCT, and different nutritional assessment methods, including nutritional risk screening 2002 （NRS2002）, mini nutritional assessment （MNA）, subjective globe assessment （SGA） and malnutritional universal screening tools （MUST）, were used. The associations between nutritional status of these patients and nutritional assessment methods were analyzed. Results： A total of 108 patients completed SGA, and 99 patients completed NRS2002, MNA and MUST. During the treatment process, 85.2% of the patients lost weight, wherein, 50% lost weight greater than 5%, and 42.6% had significantly reduced food intake. For nutritional risk assessment, the positive rates of NRS2002, MNA and MUST were 100%, 74.7% and 63.6%, respectively. There was a significant difference （P〈0.05） among the positive rates of NRS2002, MNA and MUST. In undernutrition assessment, the positive rate of SGA （83.3%） was significantly higher than that of MNA （17.2%） （P〈0.05）, and the incidence rate of nutritional risk among leukemia patients _〈30 years old was greater than that of patients 〉30 years old （P〈0.05）. Conclusions： Patients with leukemia were in poor nutritional status during and after HSCT. The leukemia patients 〈30 years old had a greater incidence rate of nutritional risk. As nutritional risk screening tool, the specificity of NRS2002 is not high, but it can be used for evaluating nutritional deficiencies. MNA is a good nutritio展开更多
The large-sized rammed-earth building foundations on the Panlongcheng site at Huangpi are remains of early Shang period palace complex. The No. 1 Panlongcheng palace consists of four rooms with wooden-framed walls. Th...The large-sized rammed-earth building foundations on the Panlongcheng site at Huangpi are remains of early Shang period palace complex. The No. 1 Panlongcheng palace consists of four rooms with wooden-framed walls. The two rooms in the middle each have two doors on the northern and southern sides respectively；while the two end rooms have only southern doors. So the No. 1 palace must have been in the center of the whole building complex. The roof supported by peripheral columns and wooden-framed walls can be reconstructed to be hipped and single- or double- eaved. The hypothesis that the No. 1 palace may have had projecting-eaves columns has not been confirmed. The No. 2 palace is an open hall without peripheral walls and room division； its roof is supported by peripheral columns only. The idea of reconstructing it as a building with pilasters and multiple rooms seems to lack archaeological evidence. The remaining vestiges show that there were side corridors in the two flanks of the main hall of the No. 2 palace. Referring to the Shang period palace material unearthed from the Shang city-site at Yanshi and other localities, it can be inferred that either of the Nos. 1 and 2 palaces must have had an eastern corridor and a western one, and, in addition, the No. 2 palace must have had a southern corridor with a gate house. The Nos. 1--3 palaces of the Panlongcheng site formed three compounds located one behind another, and belonged to the type of court-and-living building complex. Among them the No. 2 palace was the outer court for holding great ceremonies, the No. 1 palace was the inner court for handling daily administrative affairs, and the No. 3 palace was the king and queen's living place. To the southeast of the No. 2 palace remains a group of rammed-earth house-foundations, which must have been left over from another type of palace building, possibly an ancestral temple. The remaining city-walls at Panlongcheng must have belonged to the peripheral city-walls. The palace area is in the northeast of the encl展开更多
On the lacquered eared-cup unearthed in 1995 from the No. 1 Chu tomb at Guodian, Jingmen, Hubei, there is the inscription “Donggong zhi shi 东宫之币.” Among the characters the “donggong” must refer to the crown pr...On the lacquered eared-cup unearthed in 1995 from the No. 1 Chu tomb at Guodian, Jingmen, Hubei, there is the inscription “Donggong zhi shi 东宫之币.” Among the characters the “donggong” must refer to the crown prince of the Chu state, and the last character, in the light of the characteristics and evolutionary laws of similar phrases in inscriptions on oracle bones and bronzes as well as in those of the Eastern Zhou period, should be deciphered as the word “teacher.” So the whole inscription means the teacher of the Chu crown prince. It can further be inferred that the owner of the tomb might have been the Chu crown prince's teacher, the documents from there were teaching material for the prince, and the tomb and bamboo slips go back to a time earlier than 303 BC.展开更多
The rock-cut tomb and cist burial culture prevailed once in ancient southwest China.There have long been many discrepancies of views on its origin, evolution, periodization and ethnic attribution in academic circles. ...The rock-cut tomb and cist burial culture prevailed once in ancient southwest China.There have long been many discrepancies of views on its origin, evolution, periodization and ethnic attribution in academic circles. Based on an analysis of the pottery flat-bottomed amphoras that constitute its major characteristic feature, the present paper points out that these typical vessels were roughly distributed in the upper Minjiang River valley, western Sichuan, eastern Tibet, northwestern Yunnan, southwestern Sichuan, and the areas to the west of the Dianchi Lake and to the east of the Erhai Lake. Most of the amphoras recorded so far are unearthed from rock-cut and cist tombs while a small number from earthen-pit,brick-and-stone and brick-chambered burials. Those found in Yunnan are from earthen-pit and cist tombs. Through a systematic study of their typological classification, periodization and origin, the author comes to the conclusion that the emergence of these vessels resulted from the constant southward migration of nomads belonging to the Di-Qiang ethnic group in northwest China. The starting point of these vessels can be traced to the turn from the Xia to the Shang period. Latter, with the amalgamation of ethnic groups and the formation of a plural national unity in the Han Dynasty, these immigrants gradually changed their way of life from husbandry to settled farming, and in southwest China early-style flat-bottomed amphoras became extinct little by little. Therefore their lower limit was the Eastern Han period. Thus they were out of prevalence in the Eastern Han period. The above-described amphoras fall roughly into five types and further into several subtypes and styles, which represent respective temporal and spatial links of their evolutionary sequence. Their proto-type and similar forms must have originated from the Keshengzhuang Ⅱ, Qijia, Siba, and Kayao cultures in the northwest China. The cultural source and ethnic attribution of early-style flat-bottomed amphoras in the southwest China reflect clear展开更多
Compared with the remains discovered from Jianxin-a Neolithic site in south Shandong province, this paper divided the Dawenkou culture of north Anhui and east Henan provinces into three phases, corresponding with the ...Compared with the remains discovered from Jianxin-a Neolithic site in south Shandong province, this paper divided the Dawenkou culture of north Anhui and east Henan provinces into three phases, corresponding with the early, middle and the late period of the Jianxin site respectively. The time span was believed from 3300 to 2600 B. C.. It belonged to the Dawenkou culture system, but had its own cultural characteris- tics and tradition and developed from its own area rather than migrated from Shandong province. According to historical documents, the founder of the Dawenkou culture of north Anhui and east Henan must have been the tribe of Taihao (太昊)展开更多
说起must与have to,它们的意思大致相同,均可表示“必须”,后面均接动词原形,但二者在使用方法上有许多不同之处。让我们先从例题开始,来解读它们的“五大差异”。【典型考题】—例Alex,come down to play football.—I can't.Mom s...说起must与have to,它们的意思大致相同,均可表示“必须”,后面均接动词原形,但二者在使用方法上有许多不同之处。让我们先从例题开始,来解读它们的“五大差异”。【典型考题】—例Alex,come down to play football.—I can't.Mom said I__clean my bedroom before doing anything else.展开更多
文摘Objective： Correct nutritional assessment is essential for leukemia patients after hematopoietic stem cell transplantation （HSCT）. This study aimed to investigate the best nutritional assessment method for leukemia patients after HSCT, and find the possible nutritional risk of the patients during the transplantation process in order to intervene in the patients with nutritional risks and undernourished patients timely, so that the entire transplantation process could be successfully completed. Methods： A prospective study was performed in 108 leukemia patients after HSCT, and different nutritional assessment methods, including nutritional risk screening 2002 （NRS2002）, mini nutritional assessment （MNA）, subjective globe assessment （SGA） and malnutritional universal screening tools （MUST）, were used. The associations between nutritional status of these patients and nutritional assessment methods were analyzed. Results： A total of 108 patients completed SGA, and 99 patients completed NRS2002, MNA and MUST. During the treatment process, 85.2% of the patients lost weight, wherein, 50% lost weight greater than 5%, and 42.6% had significantly reduced food intake. For nutritional risk assessment, the positive rates of NRS2002, MNA and MUST were 100%, 74.7% and 63.6%, respectively. There was a significant difference （P〈0.05） among the positive rates of NRS2002, MNA and MUST. In undernutrition assessment, the positive rate of SGA （83.3%） was significantly higher than that of MNA （17.2%） （P〈0.05）, and the incidence rate of nutritional risk among leukemia patients _〈30 years old was greater than that of patients 〉30 years old （P〈0.05）. Conclusions： Patients with leukemia were in poor nutritional status during and after HSCT. The leukemia patients 〈30 years old had a greater incidence rate of nutritional risk. As nutritional risk screening tool, the specificity of NRS2002 is not high, but it can be used for evaluating nutritional deficiencies. MNA is a good nutritio
文摘The large-sized rammed-earth building foundations on the Panlongcheng site at Huangpi are remains of early Shang period palace complex. The No. 1 Panlongcheng palace consists of four rooms with wooden-framed walls. The two rooms in the middle each have two doors on the northern and southern sides respectively；while the two end rooms have only southern doors. So the No. 1 palace must have been in the center of the whole building complex. The roof supported by peripheral columns and wooden-framed walls can be reconstructed to be hipped and single- or double- eaved. The hypothesis that the No. 1 palace may have had projecting-eaves columns has not been confirmed. The No. 2 palace is an open hall without peripheral walls and room division； its roof is supported by peripheral columns only. The idea of reconstructing it as a building with pilasters and multiple rooms seems to lack archaeological evidence. The remaining vestiges show that there were side corridors in the two flanks of the main hall of the No. 2 palace. Referring to the Shang period palace material unearthed from the Shang city-site at Yanshi and other localities, it can be inferred that either of the Nos. 1 and 2 palaces must have had an eastern corridor and a western one, and, in addition, the No. 2 palace must have had a southern corridor with a gate house. The Nos. 1--3 palaces of the Panlongcheng site formed three compounds located one behind another, and belonged to the type of court-and-living building complex. Among them the No. 2 palace was the outer court for holding great ceremonies, the No. 1 palace was the inner court for handling daily administrative affairs, and the No. 3 palace was the king and queen's living place. To the southeast of the No. 2 palace remains a group of rammed-earth house-foundations, which must have been left over from another type of palace building, possibly an ancestral temple. The remaining city-walls at Panlongcheng must have belonged to the peripheral city-walls. The palace area is in the northeast of the encl
文摘On the lacquered eared-cup unearthed in 1995 from the No. 1 Chu tomb at Guodian, Jingmen, Hubei, there is the inscription “Donggong zhi shi 东宫之币.” Among the characters the “donggong” must refer to the crown prince of the Chu state, and the last character, in the light of the characteristics and evolutionary laws of similar phrases in inscriptions on oracle bones and bronzes as well as in those of the Eastern Zhou period, should be deciphered as the word “teacher.” So the whole inscription means the teacher of the Chu crown prince. It can further be inferred that the owner of the tomb might have been the Chu crown prince's teacher, the documents from there were teaching material for the prince, and the tomb and bamboo slips go back to a time earlier than 303 BC.
文摘The rock-cut tomb and cist burial culture prevailed once in ancient southwest China.There have long been many discrepancies of views on its origin, evolution, periodization and ethnic attribution in academic circles. Based on an analysis of the pottery flat-bottomed amphoras that constitute its major characteristic feature, the present paper points out that these typical vessels were roughly distributed in the upper Minjiang River valley, western Sichuan, eastern Tibet, northwestern Yunnan, southwestern Sichuan, and the areas to the west of the Dianchi Lake and to the east of the Erhai Lake. Most of the amphoras recorded so far are unearthed from rock-cut and cist tombs while a small number from earthen-pit,brick-and-stone and brick-chambered burials. Those found in Yunnan are from earthen-pit and cist tombs. Through a systematic study of their typological classification, periodization and origin, the author comes to the conclusion that the emergence of these vessels resulted from the constant southward migration of nomads belonging to the Di-Qiang ethnic group in northwest China. The starting point of these vessels can be traced to the turn from the Xia to the Shang period. Latter, with the amalgamation of ethnic groups and the formation of a plural national unity in the Han Dynasty, these immigrants gradually changed their way of life from husbandry to settled farming, and in southwest China early-style flat-bottomed amphoras became extinct little by little. Therefore their lower limit was the Eastern Han period. Thus they were out of prevalence in the Eastern Han period. The above-described amphoras fall roughly into five types and further into several subtypes and styles, which represent respective temporal and spatial links of their evolutionary sequence. Their proto-type and similar forms must have originated from the Keshengzhuang Ⅱ, Qijia, Siba, and Kayao cultures in the northwest China. The cultural source and ethnic attribution of early-style flat-bottomed amphoras in the southwest China reflect clear
文摘Compared with the remains discovered from Jianxin-a Neolithic site in south Shandong province, this paper divided the Dawenkou culture of north Anhui and east Henan provinces into three phases, corresponding with the early, middle and the late period of the Jianxin site respectively. The time span was believed from 3300 to 2600 B. C.. It belonged to the Dawenkou culture system, but had its own cultural characteris- tics and tradition and developed from its own area rather than migrated from Shandong province. According to historical documents, the founder of the Dawenkou culture of north Anhui and east Henan must have been the tribe of Taihao (太昊)
文摘说起must与have to,它们的意思大致相同,均可表示“必须”,后面均接动词原形,但二者在使用方法上有许多不同之处。让我们先从例题开始,来解读它们的“五大差异”。【典型考题】—例Alex,come down to play football.—I can't.Mom said I__clean my bedroom before doing anything else.
